ON JULY 22, Sheikh Hasina made a bold proclamation: ‘Sheikh Hasina does not flee.’ Yet, within just ten days, the immense pressure of a nationwide uprising forced her to flee Bangladesh for India. This pivotal moment in the country’s history echoes a familiar pattern seen in the downfall of authoritarian regimes worldwide. From the mass uprisings in Bangladesh on January 24, 1969, and December 6, 1990, to similar events in other nations, the fall of Sheikh Hasina illustrates the inevitable decline of dictatorial rule when confronted with unified, widespread dissent.

Dictatorships, as political theorists often note, are inherently unstable. They rest on a fragile balance of fear, control, and the relentless suppression of dissent. Once any of these pillars weaken, the entire structure becomes vulnerable to collapse. In Hasina’s case, the recent student-led protest against inequality quickly escalated into a nationwide movement, showcasing the power of collective action in dismantling authoritarian regimes. Often criticised as the ‘mother of mafia’ and the ‘queen of corruption,’ Hasina found herself increasingly isolated as the movement gained momentum. Unlike other fallen dictators such as Ayub Khan in 1969 and HM Ershad in 1990, who faced their downfalls within their countries, Hasina chose to flee, taking her sister Sheikh Rehana with her. Her initial attempt to seek refuge in Kolkata was thwarted by Mamata Banerjee’s lack of interest, forcing Hasina to divert to Agartala and eventually to New Delhi.

This dramatic escape aligns with the theoretical understanding that dictators often seek external refuge when their grip on power weakens internally. Hasina’s reported departure with trunks filled with money is a common trait among dictatorial figures who, sensing their imminent downfall, prioritise personal survival over national stability. Her last-minute attempt to address the nation, foiled by the fear of enraged protesters, further underscores the isolation that typically accompanies the end of a dictator’s reign.

The aftermath of Hasina’s departure marked the collapse of her authoritarian rule, lifting the oppressive weight that had burdened the people of Bangladesh for nearly 16 years. This moment is not just a significant chapter in Bangladesh’s history but also a case study in the broader narrative of how dictatorships fall. Across the nation, the atmosphere shifted dramatically, reflecting a collective sigh of relief. The public celebrations that erupted — from Dhaka to the smallest villages — mirrored those seen in other nations following the fall of long-standing regimes. The news of the ‘queen of corruption’ fleeing caused panic among Awami League leaders, ministers, MPs, and controversial figures within the police and administration. Many went into hiding, reflecting the common post-dictatorship scenario where the regime’s inner circle scatters, fearing retribution.

Hasina’s escape also mirrors the betrayal often seen in dictatorial regimes, where the leader, upon fleeing, abandons those who supported and enabled their rule. After securing power through a series of controversial elections, with direct and indirect support from India, Hasina surrounded herself with loyalists who helped her maintain an iron grip on the nation. She manipulated state machinery, suppressed opposition, and facilitated the laundering of billions abroad by her cronies. However, as she fled, she gave no thought to the future of these collaborators or the historic Awami League, leaving it on the brink of collapse. Her controversial son, Sajeeb Wazed Joy, later announced, ‘My mother will never engage in politics again,’ signalling the definitive end of her political dynasty.

The parallels between Hasina’s escape and historical instances of dictatorial falls are striking. The actions of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the night of March 25, 1971, come to mind, when he allowed himself to be arrested at Dhanmondi No 32, ensuring his safety while leaving the nation vulnerable to the Pakistani military. Similarly, Hasina fled, leaving thousands of Awami League leaders and activists to face the consequences of her regime’s oppressive policies. This pattern of self-preservation at the expense of supporters is a hallmark of dictatorial collapses.

In her final days, Hasina attempted to suppress the student movement against inequality with severe measures, a common tactic among dictators facing rising opposition. She imposed curfews, armed her party’s thugs, and ordered them to shoot protesters. However, when citizens from all walks of life joined the students in the streets, Hasina found herself cornered. The inability to quell the rising tide of dissent, despite increasingly draconian measures, is a familiar narrative in the downfall of dictators. Eventually, Hasina was forced to resign as prime minister. On the afternoon of her resignation, at around 2:30pm, she departed from Ganabhaban in a military helicopter, heading to India with her sister, leaving behind a nation on the brink of chaos.

India’s media outlet, India Today, reported that at 5:36pm on August 5, the aircraft carrying Sheikh Hasina landed at Hindon Air Force Station in Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, near Delhi. This airbase, the largest in Asia, is managed by the Western Air Command of the Indian Air Force. Initial reports suggested that Hasina might continue her journey to London that night, but it was later revealed that the United Kingdom had denied her request for political asylum. This international rejection mirrors the fate of many fallen dictators who, upon fleeing, find themselves unwelcome in other nations.

As news of Hasina’s escape spread, thousands of enraged protesters stormed Ganabhaban, the Prime Minister’s residence. Their actions — searching for remnants of her rule, destroying symbols of her regime— reflect the cathartic release often seen in post-dictatorial societies. The destruction of the mural of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at Bijoy Sarani symbolised the end of Hasina’s reign, much like the toppling of statues and symbols associated with other fallen dictators around the world.

Sheikh Hasina had maintained her grip on power for nearly 16 years, largely thanks to the support of Narendra Modi’s BJP government in India. Her political career, marked by a series of controversial and manipulated elections, reflects the typical lifespan of a dictatorship: initial consolidation of power, followed by increasing repression, and finally, collapse under popular pressure. The 2014 national election, held without opposition participation, and the 2018 election, infamous for ballot stuffing, were precursors to the final collapse. The ‘Midnight Election’ was condemned globally, but Hasina clung to power, mirroring the desperation of dictators worldwide who manipulate electoral processes to maintain their grip on power. However, the controversial 12th national election in January, marked by low voter turnout and accusations of manipulation, signaled the beginning of the end.

Despite her grand projects, including the Padma Bridge, Metro Rail, Karnaphuli Tunnel, and Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant, Hasina’s legacy is marred by corruption and cronyism. These projects, financed by massive foreign loans, reflect the grandiosity often associated with dictatorial regimes, where large-scale infrastructure projects are undertaken more for their symbolic value than for their economic viability. The ballooning of the nation’s per capita debt from Tk 12,700 in 2012 to Tk 1,500,000 by the time of her downfall is a testament to the economic mismanagement often seen under dictatorial regimes. While grand infrastructure projects were built, half of the funds were siphoned off and laundered abroad by her cronies. Meanwhile, she shut down jute mills and sugar mills and handed over the country’s trade and commerce to corporate syndicates, establishing a mafia regime within the administration. This allowed traders to hike prices at will, leaving millions unable to afford basic necessities.

The final downfall

The turning point came on June 5, 2024, when the Bangladesh Supreme Court’s High Court Division declared the government’s 2018 circular abolishing the quota system in government jobs illegal. This sparked a renewed debate on quota reform, leading to massive student protests. On July 14, from exile, Hasina described the quota reform activists as ‘descendants of collaborators,’ provoking widespread outrage. The following day, government officials and Awami League members accused the students of undermining the ‘spirit of the liberation war.’ Violence erupted as the ruling party’s student wing, the Chhatra League, attacked protesters with rods, sticks, machetes, and firearms, while the police used batons and rubber bullets to suppress the movement. Despite the government’s efforts to crush the protests through curfews, military deployment, and internet blackouts, the movement spread like wildfire across the country. By July 19, the government had failed to control the situation. Thousands of students and protesters were injured, and over 350 were killed. The police filed over 500 cases and arrested more than 10,500 people. In a desperate attempt to calm the situation, the Supreme Court overturned its earlier ruling, ordering that 93% of government jobs be filled based on merit. However, it was too late. The nationwide unrest had reached a tipping point, and Hasina’s regime could no longer hold onto power. Faced with mounting pressure from all sides, Sheikh Hasina fled the country, marking the end of her authoritarian rule.

This case study of Sheikh Hasina’s fall underscores the broader patterns of dictatorship, illustrating how regimes that rely on repression, manipulation, and fear are inherently fragile and ultimately doomed when faced with unified popular resistance. As her regime collapsed under the weight of its own corruption, economic mismanagement, and brutal suppression of dissent, Sheikh Hasina’s downfall serves as a cautionary tale for authoritarian leaders worldwide. In the end, the fall of a dictator is not merely a local event but a global lesson in the enduring power of the people to reclaim their freedom.

Dr Serajul I Bhuiyan is tenured professor and former chair, the department of journalism and mass communications, Savannah State University, Savannah, Georgia, USA and former president of Business and Applied Sciences Academy of North America.