THE persecution of the Rohingyas in Myanmar, especially in Rakhine State, has caused multiple rounds of forced migration into Bangladesh. This trend is rooted in long-standing exclusionary policies and military actions targeting the Rohingyas because of their ethnicity and religious differences, depriving and expelling them of their homeland.

1978: Operation Nagamin and first exodus

IN 1978, the Burmese military launched Operation Nagamin (Dragon King), a national campaign aimed at identifying ‘foreigners’ and expelling them. The operation was officially described as a routine census and documentation effort. However, it quickly escalated into widespread military brutality, including arrest, sexual violence, torture and forced evictions against particular ethnic groups living in Arakan State for centuries. The crackdown displaced more than 200,000 Rohingyas, who crossed the River Naf into Bangladesh, seeking refuge from what they described as ethnic cleansing.

Bangladesh’s response to the influx involved setting up temporary camps along the border with support from international organisations. However, the sheer number of refugees overwhelmed Bangladesh’s limited infrastructure. This prompted Bangladesh to negotiate repatriation with Myanmar, leading to an agreement that saw many Rohingyas return to Myanmar under duress, amid deteriorating conditions in Bangladeshi camps. Myanmar did not recognise the Rohingyas as citizens on their return, which laid the groundwork for future displacements and atrocities.

1991-1992: forced labour and second exodus

IN 1991-92, Myanmar’s military escalated efforts to drive out the Rohingyas through a combination of forced labour, religious persecution and arbitrary violence. An estimated 250,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh in the period. The refugees reported experiences of forced labour camps, where men were compelled to work on infrastructure projects without compensation and women suffered from systematic sexual violence and discrimination based on race, religion and colour, barring them from all government jobs and facilities, including health care, education, and justice. A new border law was also implemented in their state.

Bangladesh housed the refugees in 19 camps concentrated around Cox’s Bazar, with logistic support from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. However, the government’s stance was clear: local integration was not an option and Bangladesh sought to repatriate the refugees as quickly as possible. In September 1992, Myanmar and Bangladesh agreed on a repatriation plan, but progress was slow and marred by allegations of forced returns. The UN authorities withdrew support temporarily after discovering that many returns were not voluntary. By 1997, approximately 230,000 Rohingya had been sent back, but without citizenship or meaningful guarantees of safety, their situation remained precarious.

2017: largest and most devastating exodus

THE most severe crisis occurred in August 2017, after accusations that some so-called armed Rohingya groups attacked security forces and Myanmar’s subsequent military operations. Entire Rohingya villages were burnt, with survivors recounting mass killing, gang rape and family separations The brutality of these actions forced over 800,000 Rohingya to flee into Bangladesh in months, joining smaller groups that had escaped earlier violence. This wave brought the total number of Rohingyas in Bangladesh to more than 1.2 million.

This time, not only government forces but also extremist Buddhist Rakhine groups mobilised to maximise harm against the Rohingya civilians.

Bangladesh responded by setting up large refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, which quickly became the world’s largest refugee settlement. Despite international aid, the influx strained local infrastructure, causing severe overcrowding and environmental degradation. The refugees faced chronic shortages of food, water and health care while educational and employment opportunities remained limited. Bangladesh consistently advocated international pressure on Myanmar to allow the safe and voluntary repatriation of the Rohingyas, but with little progress.

Refugee policy and diplomatic efforts

THROUGHOUT such crises, Bangladesh has maintained a non-integration policy, emphasising that the Rohingyas should eventually return to Myanmar. The government has repeatedly appealed for international support and called on neighboring countries and organizations like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to intervene. Despite these efforts, Myanmar’s refusal to recognise the Rohingyas as citizens and its reluctance to create safe conditions for their return have stalled progress.

Repatriation attempts have continued over the years. For example, in 2017, Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a memorandum to facilitate refugee returns. However, most Rohingyas have refused to go back, citing the absence of safety guarantees and citizenship rights. Pilot repatriation efforts initiated in 2023, aimed at returning small groups of refugees, have been criticised by the UN and rights groups for failing to address the root causes of the crisis.

Lack of strong political will from the administration and regional powers aligning with Myanmar has hindered significant progress in solving the plight of the Rohingya people.

Solidarity with Rohingya brethren

THE people of Bangladesh have shown remarkable solidarity with the Rohingyas throughout history, driven by a shared sense of religious identity, neighboring rights, and empathy rooted in their own history. During Bangladesh’s 1971 liberation war, millions of Bengalis sought refuge in India to escape violence, leaving a lasting impression of the importance of humanitarian aid in times of crisis. This shared experience fostered widespread public support for the displaced Rohingya, seen as brothers in faith.

Bangladeshi NGOs, civil society organisations, and ordinary citizens participated in emergency relief efforts, providing food, medical care and shelter when Rohingya refugees fled to the Cox’s Bazar-Teknaf border. Government agencies coordinated with international organisations, ensuring that refugees had access to essential services.

The humanitarian response extended beyond government actions as local communities helped the refugees despite economic pressures. Many Bangladeshis provided informal assistance, demonstrating personal kindness by donating food, clothing, and other essentials to their displaced neighbours.

Officials negotiations for repatriation

EFFORTS to resolve the Rohingya crisis have repeatedly faltered. Formal repatriation agreements between Bangladesh and Myanmar have been signed multiple times, but they failed to result in substantial returns. Myanmar’s military government agreed in principle to accept returning refugees, yet key obstacles — such as Myanmar’s refusal to grant Rohingya citizenship or ensure their safety and dignity — have blocked progress.

The 2017 exodus added significant complexity to the situation. Although a memorandum was signed between Myanmar and Bangladesh as well as with the United Nations, the lack of security guarantees and the Rohingya’s fears of returning to oppressive conditions deterred voluntary repatriation. Myanmar’s proposals to relocate returning refugees to temporary camps, rather than their original villages and homes, further fueled distrust among the Rohingyas.

The situation worsened after the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, which disrupted negotiations and dashed hopes for a sustainable solution. Myanmar’s junta regime intensified repression against various groups, making it unlikely that safe conditions for Rohingya returnees could be established any time soon.

One matter that should be highlighted is the crimes committed against the Rohingyas under the leadership of Aung San Suu Kyi which proved that her vocal advocacy for change in the country was hypocritical and discriminatory, showing an unethical personality and losing a historic opportunity to solve many longstanding issues and take Myanmar towards development and peaceful coexistence among its people.

International efforts to push for repatriation through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other platforms have also stalled, leaving the crisis unresolved.

Changes in Bangladesh and Rohingyas

POLITICAL changes in Bangladesh’s government have raised expectations for potential policy shifts regarding the Rohingya crisis. Many advisers and policymakers in the administration have previously expressed critical views of the need for stronger diplomatic efforts with Myanmar and have advocated a sustainable resolution. With growing domestic pressure, stemming from overcrowded refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar and economic strains, the current administration faces a moment to rethink its strategy towards the crisis.

The recent visit of Malaysia’s prime minister to Dhaka has added momentum to these efforts. His close personal relationship with Bangladesh’s chief adviser, coupled with Malaysia’s long-standing support for the Rohingya cause, has bolstered hopes for renewed regional cooperation. Both the countries share a vested interest in finding a durable solution to the crisis as prolonged displacement impacts regional stability and economic development. Discussions during the visit have strengthened the possibility of aligning efforts through platforms such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, generating optimism for a meaningful progress in addressing the Rohingya’s plight.

Malaysia’s support for Rohingya cause

THE Malay Muslims and Malaysian non-governmental organisations have consistently led the advocacy for the Rohingya, creating awareness, providing humanitarian aid and offering refuge to displaced families. This solidarity reflects both religious empathy and regional responsibility. Malaysia has become one of the primary supporters of the Rohingya cause in Southeast Asia, hosting thousands of Rohingya refugees despite not being a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention.

Malaysia has over the years actively criticised Myanmar’s actions against the Rohingyas, with leaders from Tun Abdul Razak to Mahathir Mohamad and Najib Razak calling out Myanmar on international platforms, including the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, demanding stronger action and justice. Malaysia’s stance is rooted not only in humanitarian principles but also in concern about regional stability as the prolonged displacement of the Rohingyas affects both migration patterns and security dynamics across Southeast Asia.

Malaysia’s refugee policy, challenged by public pressure, has provided a lifeline for Rohingya migrants seeking safety. Malaysian non-governmental organisations and civil society continue to supply essential aid, including food, health care and education.

Through regional platforms such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Malaysia has pressed for diplomatic solutions although the lack of consensus within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has limited concrete action. Still, Malaysia remains a crucial voice in advocating for Rohingya rights, emphasising the need for justice and sustainable solutions through regional and international cooperation.

Turning statements into actionable policies has proved challenging. Diplomatic hurdles, particularly within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ principle of non-interference, have restricted Malaysia’s ability to push for robust solutions. Malaysia has for long advocated humanitarian relief and regional engagement on the Rohingya issue, yet geopolitical factors have often diluted the impact. For example, efforts through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been complicated by Myanmar’s resistance and the reluctance of powerful regional allies such as China and India to pressure the junta.

The consistent stance of Malaysian leaders underscores moral support and advocacy, but efforts have often been hindered by geopolitical realities, leaving the Rohingya crisis unresolved at the diplomatic level.

Malaysia’s commitment to Rights and minority support

Malaysia’s prime minister Anwar Ibrahim is recognised for his lifelong dedication to human rights, justice, fairness, and advocacy for oppressed communities — a commitment rooted in his early years. During his tenure as president of the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement from 1974 to 1982, Anwar led impactful campaigns for global Muslim minorities, initiating humanitarian efforts and engaging early with the plight of the Rohingyas. His leadership within the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement established a foundation for activism and peace advocacy, embodying his deep-seated values of justice and minority protection.

Anwar’s government today embodies these values through a proactive stance on both national and regional fronts, including a focus on addressing the Rohingya crisis. During a recent visit to Dhaka, Anwar highlighted the importance of international cooperation and assured Bangladesh of Malaysia’s steadfast support. This engagement underscores Anwar’s commitment to using regional platforms such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to tackle long-standing humanitarian challenges, with the Rohingya crisis being in prominent focus.

Anwar’s statements consistently reaffirm Malaysia’s responsibility to advocate the Rohingyas. He has stressed the importance of regional peace and justice, asserting that the Rohingya crisis cannot be overlooked. In diplomatic exchanges, he has encouraged international partners to pressure Myanmar to establish conditions for the safe and dignified repatriation of Rohingya refugees. This strategic advocacy, grounded in Anwar’s philosophy of justice, has rekindled hope for a holistic solution to the crisis.

Anwar’s dedication to human dignity and rights continues to shape Malaysia’s policies and diplomatic initiatives, reinforcing the nation’s leadership in addressing one of Southeast Asia’s most pressing humanitarian issues.

Malaysia’s role as chair of ASEAN

WITH Malaysia preparing to chair the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2025, Anwar Ibrahim’s influence could be instrumental in advancing meaningful regional solutions to the Rohingya crisis. The forthcoming chairmanship offers a strategic moment to revitalise efforts of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in addressing the Rohingya issue. The engagement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations with Myanmar has been constrained by the bloc’s non-interference principle, limiting its capacity to hold member-states accountable for internal conflicts. However, Malaysia’s leadership under Anwar Ibrahim introduces a potential shift as the country has consistently championed the rights of the Rohingyas and emphasised the importance of regional peace and stability.

As the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, Malaysia could leverage this position to bolster dialogues and coordination within the bloc, urging Myanmar to create conditions conducive to the safe, voluntary and dignified return of Rohingya refugees. Furthermore, Malaysia’s influence could drive the Association of Southeast Asian Nations towards a deeper engagement with international partners to amplify diplomatic pressure on Myanmar.

Beyond diplomatic outreach, Malaysia’s chairmanship provides an for opportunity to reassess the approach of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to the humanitarian crises, potentially expanding the bloc’s capacity to address crises with humanitarian or security implications. If successful, Malaysia’s leadership could establish a precedent for a more proactive Association of Southeast Asian Nations policy framework, one that emphasises accountability and support for displaced communities such as the Rohingyas. However, navigating this leadership will require Malaysia to balance competing geopolitical interests within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations — particularly from member-states with ties to Myanmar’s military regime, such as Thailand and Cambodia — to ensure that collective action remains effective and undiluted.

This chairmanship represents a vital window of Malaysia to consolidate regional efforts, build consensus and advocate sustainable solutions that uphold justice, security, and human dignity for the Rohingya people.

Challenges faced by Malaysia in Rohingya crisis

MALAYSIA’S long-standing support for the Rohingyas has increasingly posed economic, social and political challenges due to the prolonged nature of the crisis. Hosting thousands of Rohingya refugees, Malaysia grapples with resource limitations that hinder sustainable support. Its non-signatory status to the 1951 Refugee Convention complicates matters further as refugees lack access to legal protection, formal education, and employment, heightening their vulnerability and dependence on aid.

Economic strain and public pressure

THE growing refugee population has strained Malaysia’s economy. With minimal international aid, local non-governmental organisations and the government shoulder the costs of health care, shelter and essential services. This economic impact has fuelled public discontent as some Malaysians view the influx of refugees as a strain on jobs and social services.

Public backlash and xenophobia

PUBLIC pressure against refugees has intensified, especially during the Covid pandemic when misinformation spread widely. Calls for stricter immigration policies and anti-refugee sentiments on social media have complicated the government’s humanitarian stance, making it a delicate political balancing act for Malaysia.

Policy limitations and need for regional solutions

WITHOUT formal refugee integration policies, Malaysia’s approach to the Rohingyas remains limited to short-term humanitarian aid. The lack of regional solutions within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, constrained by the bloc’s non-interference principle, has further intensified Malaysia’s challenges. Balancing domestic pressures, limited resources, and humanitarian commitments is essential for Malaysia to maintain its leadership on the Rohingya issue. Malaysia’s forthcoming role as the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2025 could be pivotal, relying on regional cooperation and international support to address these complexities.

Hope for Rohingya community

THE Rohingyas, who have endured decades of persecution and displacement, are hopeful that a collaboration between Anwar Ibrahim and Muhammad Yunus can lead to meaningful change. Their leadership represents a rare convergence of influence, empathy and political will — offering the potential to shift the dynamics surrounding the crisis.

This partnership brings a renewed focus on regional and international cooperation, especially through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, encouraging a broader engagement from stakeholders. Rohingya refugees, now confined to overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar, look forward to a future where safe and voluntary repatriation to Myanmar becomes a reality. With efforts aimed at securing ethnic and citizenship rights and protecting human dignity, this collaboration offers a glimmer of hope in what has been an otherwise dire and protracted humanitarian crisis.

Although challenges remain, especially in Myanmar’s political instability, Anwar and Yunus’s commitment to justice and peace raises the possibility of long-term solutions that can restore hope and provide the security and freedom that the Rohingyas deserve.

Abu Ahmed Farid is an entrepreneur, chief executive officer and founder of Dakwah Corner Bookstore (M) Sdn Bhd.